Affirming Masculinity Trough Sex Work

Sex and masculinity go together like horse and carriage, or at least that is a common association made in many cultures throughout history. Linking masculinity to elementary attributes of physical strength, sexual vigour, and reproductive capability, the masculine is successfully associated with dominance and sexual prowess in Western societies. However, the state of male centricity is becoming increasingly a terrain of analysis, questioning, and reinvention to deconstruct and examine the components of masculinity. As such, male-ness attributes need constant support and affirmation through erecting structural frameworks through community-building efforts, mentorship, or systemic assurance through laws and policies. Most importantly, and at the core of any scaffolding to uplift masculinity, is the recognition of the corporeal needs of the masculine through physical acts. Consequentially, within the framework of modern academic discourse, it becomes essential to critically analyse how masculinity is legitimised and affirmed through sexual practices. Particularly in the realm of commodified sexual engagements, Sex for money, and its significance in shaping lasting discourses surrounding male gender roles.
The consumption of sex for money has an extensive history across cultures and epochs, reaching from Theodora of Byzantium (c. 500-548 CE) to influential celebrities of today like Cardi B. taking a liberal feminist approach advocating for sex work as a legitimate form of work and employment. Though, as extensive as the historic representation might be, this essay wants explicitly to determine how sex work is utilised in support of public discourse around male-centric adherence in our society and how sex work internalises and (re)produces male identity.

This text will first examine the various affirmations of masculinity through sex work, drawing from relevant academic literature to explore the concept of masculinity achievement through purchasing sex. Additionally, the consumption of sex work will be analysed to understand how different motivations legitimise the commodification of sex. Secondly, the essay examines the dynamics of sex work within group settings, using Japan's corporate male activities as a case study. This analysis aims to uncover the intricate relationship between consuming sex and affirming masculinity, seeking to discern nuanced motivations among men to purchase sex and reaffirm their masculine identity through collective efforts. Lastly, we will discuss the impact of heteronormative masculinity on both gay and heterosexual men, and a closer look is taken at gay male sex work, employing queer theory to untangle the paradox of 'straight-acting' practices used to eroticise gay sex.

Becoming a Man’ and the Legitimisation of Sex Work

The transition from adolescence to male maturity is a journey by which various influences leave their marks on the individual, shaping them step by step. This process becomes part of a man's identity (Madden‐Derdich & Leonard, 2000) and contributes to how satisfied men are with their gender-specific roles and how they are perceived by others and their partners (Herzog et al., 2007).
For example, a boy's father takes on the responsibility because he wants to be seen as fulfilling their ‘impending role’ as a ‘good’ father (Wilkes et al., 2012, p.185). In turn, they hand down these societal expectations of maleness to their sons. It has been argued by Connell (2020) that the ways masculinities are constructed from a bottom-up perspective support the most dominant form of masculinity, namely the hegemonic structure. Other forms of masculinity provide a complicit and subordinate role to upkeep this pyramid construction. Building on this argument, Enderstein and Boonzaier (2015) add to Connells' theory by pointing out that their findings showed that ‘non-hegemonic’ (p.514) attributes of fatherhood such as caring, personal connection, and nurturing are further components that support societal expectations. In other words, a father's perception of masculinity is contextualized on one hand by rigid hegemonic frameworks and, on the other hand, through nurturing and caring to construct what it means to be a man, and through parenting, these understandings are passed on to their sons.
To connect this analytical insight with the concept of masculinity evolving through the commodification and procurement of sexual services, it is helpful to start from a historical point. It has been argued that more than one-third of men pay for sex, and sex work serves as the primary avenue for ‘non-marital’ sexual activity for the majority of men (Kinsey et. al., 1948, p.587). Though these findings are arguably dated, when examining how the adolescent transition to adulthood is directed, it becomes evident that this process includes sex. In recent findings, a more nuanced view is proposed by Hammond and Hooff (2020), who suggest a lesser percentage of men engage in buying sexual services. However, with an evident increase in seeking out sex work for romantic reasons, that enhances and allows the display of emotions in the context of sex work. The authors assert that men engage in purchasing sex not solely due to reasons historically pathologised (Hunter, 1993) to irradicate women's rights (MacKinnon, 1993) or as a means to reproduce violent patriarchal structures (Raymond, 1998) as criticised by radical feminist perspectives. Hammond and Hooff contend that men actively pursue non-hegemonic encounters such as closeness, romance, and validation as reasons to purchase sex. These aspects are typically not deemed integral to traditional masculinity and are often overlooked, consequentially leading to societal pressures that restrict men and can end fatally (Möller-Leimkühler, 2003; River & Flood, 2021). More so, a limitation arising from this heightened scrutiny on men, driven by unrealistic expectations, leads to the failure to consider the different motivations for purchasing sexual services. Thus, unsound research leads to the pathologisation of such behaviour and labels it as a 'social problem'  (Olsson & Starke, 2023). This approach is counterproductive, as it ignores the pressures men face due to misconceptions.

However, what is nevertheless understood in traditional views is that men dictate and possess financial power over women (Jury et al., 2017) — leading to the transactional nature of services, placing the provider (the women) in a position of obligation towards the purchaser (the man) who establishes his right to ‘demand sexual access’ to her body (Huysamen & Boonzaier, 2015, p.548). While this dynamic suggests a power imbalance, it can also resemble a mentorship scenario. Here, the female sex worker assumes the role of a tutor, guiding the inexperienced man in navigating sexual interactions to conform to the societal expectations of masculinity. The monetary transaction establishes a boundary wherein the male feels secure and shielded from scrutiny for his lack of expertise, as he aligns with the belief that male authority stems from financial prowess. Thus, Despite newer forms of resistance by younger male generations towards these rigid understandings, as efforts to redefine masculinity, financial power dynamics persist.
Nevertheless, these understandings also produce an unintentional safe space for young men who purchase sex, having the effects of mentorship with sex workers in guiding the men and, in turn, legitimising the consumption of sex as adherence to societal expectations of masculinity.

Confirming the Masculine by Consuming Sex

Men’s relations in mentoring and peer leadership are fundamental in conveying vital aspects of how maleness is understood in Western society. These father-son relationships can also be translated into relationships between men who are not blood-related. To draw from one of our course readings, Campbell (2006) analysed the relationships between men in pub settings and how their interactions create a sense of belonging and identity. The author explains the concept of resonance as the way social meanings and ideas of masculinity connect and align among men across 'different social realms' (p.93). In other words, understanding how men exhibit masculinity depends on the mutual connections that explain how the 'legitimate' (p.94) exhibition of masculine traits shapes accepted male behaviour in public settings. Applying this understanding to the dynamics among men in group settings when purchasing sex, it becomes evident that their enactment of masculinity often diverges notably from one-on-one interactions.
From a radical feminist viewpoint, it is often argued that prostitution is the ultimate oppression of women (Dworkin, 1993; Farley, 2004; Farley et al., 2017), enforced by the patriarchy to commodify women's bodies and make them subordinate to male domination (Schotten, 2005). However, can this viewpoint be accepted in light of the complex intricacies of how masculinities are constructed that have been made evident in this text so far? It is, therefore, clear that the motivations behind the consumption of sex for money need to be more nuanced. For example, research behind the motivations for consuming sex work has shown that sex work primarily concerns the management of masculine identities and male egos nurtured by societal expectations rather than solely or predominantly focusing on sexual release and domination (Joseph & Black, 2012). An example of this is the empirical study by Allison (1994), who uses observations and interviews with male clients who purchase sex to explore the various meanings, types, and motivations for commercial sex consumption. The author examines the context of men in the corporate economy of Japan who seek out sex workers not simply for pleasure but for intellectual stimulation. Furthermore, the author discusses a significant interplay between ‘cold’ (p.87) work-life hierarchies, which impose a corporate structural component of social relationships on men and produce differences in rank and status. More so, this behaviour solidifies societal hierarchical dynamics and is a process of internalising a sense of belonging through commercial sexual transactions. Similarly to Campbell's argument, the author highlights that the absence of 'humanity and warmth' (p.88), in turn, is compensated by the social bonds formed among men. Concluding her argument, she asserts that the mutual exchange of knowledge and collectively engaging in purchasing sex reinforces a rigid social structure. Thus, the author's research exemplifies how sex work is a tool to maintain hegemonic masculinity and suggests that buying sex is not solely about dominating women but rather that mandatory (corporate) group activities conform to expected masculine norms.

Building on this analysis, Bernstein’s’ (2001) concept of bounded authenticity is a further helpful theory to understand how men legitimise the consumption of sex. The author claims that while it is commonly believed that sex is bought primarily for sexual release and to assert dominance over women, newer motivations for buying sex differ from this assumption. In her Interviews, Bernstein presents findings that suggest that men seek a genuine ‘emotional and physical connection’ (p.154) with sex workers as opposed to short impersonal interaction. Many male clients preferred living independently, finding intimacy through friendships, and seeking safe sexual interactions. These responses reflect societal trends of higher divorce rates, more single households, and fewer marriages, causing ‘erotic consequences’ (p.156) and shifting motivations for paying for sex. Thus, the rise of ‘new sexual markets’ (p.162) reshapes sexuality, emphasising the need for emotional authenticity and close proximity that produces familiarity between men and sex workers (Durant & Couch, 2019).

Masculinity Through Queer Theory

Thus far, the text has described the experiences, realities, and encounters between heterosexual female sex workers and male clients. In the following part, the emphasis will remain on male experiences, though from a perspective of purchasing homosexual sex services. Specifically, examining how the 'expected' traits around hegemonic masculine behaviour are employed to eroticise the gay sexual act. Building on Allan's (2019) analysis, the nuances of masculinity, viewed through the lens of queer theory, provide a valuable foundation for examining the affirmation of masculinity through sex work. Queer Theory can be seen as a morphing framework that accounts for and includes overlapping factors which continue to evolve the theory into different kinds of gender expressions and their performativity (Acadia, 2021). Though Allan asserts that gay identity is based on a specific understanding and helps advance the categories of gender, the theory can be helpful to understand how heteronormative conditioning of gay men through their early childhood influence their sexual practice (Robinson, 2005) and contributes to gender as a performative identity (Butler, 1990, 2004). Considering postmodernist developments, Carrigan et al. (2018) argue that masculinity is subject to change within a society's evolving political and social environments due to the rise of feminist understandings. The authors critique the political means that oversimplify what masculinity implies as their arguments juxtapose hetero and homosexuality to posit an example of how masculine identity and behaviour vary but have been historically based on ‘biological frameworks’ (p.553). Thus, the embedding of heteronormative desires within societal perceptions of sexuality has led to the unsurprising phenomenon of gay men incorporating and eroticising these macho-masculine narratives and in turn denouncing behaviour traits which could compromise their desirability within their sexual practices (Sánchez et al., 2016). For example, Brickell's (2004) examination of gay men's identities revealed convincing insights, indicating that some individuals in his study perceived 'campness' as a form of 'cross-gender identification' (p.147), aligning behaviours typically associated with gay men as 'effeminacy' (p.148).

The author contends that the devaluation of feminine traits within our patriarchal contexts shapes the upbringing of many gay men during their formative years. Thus, campness becomes associated with undesirable character traits. In other words, men who show feminine behaviours are viewed as less desirable (Bergling, 2001), as their masculinity becomes compromised by effeminate expressions. Therefore, it goes that if a gay man does not implement the desirable behaviour but displays gender nonconformity, he is not seen as attractive. And more so, too much effeminate behaviour would also add to the stigma of being the passive body in gay sex (Almaguer, 1991), as the receiving man is also associated with female subordination in sexual acts.
Therefore, the tendency of gay men to internalise these hetero behaviours and to eroticise these traits as part of their sexual practices connects to earlier arguments on early childhood developments and how mentoring influences teach accepted forms of sexuality.Coined as ‘Straight acting’ behaviour gay men use this term to not only assert themselves as sexually more desirable man but also to legitimise the further marginalisation of other men who do not “demon-straight” this behaviour well. Building on the insights of Sánchez and Vilain (2012), who analysed the prevalence of hetero-masculine traits among gay men in online dating and sex, it becomes evident that these characteristics extend beyond interpersonal interactions to enclose professional labours within the gay sex work community.

Gay sex workers, similarly seeking to attract clients, can also leverage these forms of advertising of hetero-masculine traits to enhance their appeal and procure customers (Minichiello et al., 2000). This continuity of masculine behaviour stresses the pervasive influence of heteronormative ideals even within commercial sex contexts of the gay community. Hence, it is argued that the influence of imposed masculinity perpetuated by the dominant straight culture creates a problematic and dangerous rhetoric (Eguchi, 2009). Thus, Imposed heteronormative understandings of masculinity not only detrimentally affect straight men, as evidenced by the pressure to conform to rigid gender norms, but also impose adverse effects on gay men.

Conclusion

This essay has elucidated the various ways in which sex work reinforces masculinity. Rather than presenting a linear narrative of the motivations behind purchasing sex, the exploration led to the nuanced nature of these motivations, spanning from seeking validation to asserting power. By examining inherited concepts of fatherhood and mentorship, the text sheds light on the construction of masculinity while also addressing how the enactment of masculinity perpetuates hegemonic structures. Furthermore, insights drawn from queer theory were employed to underscore the differences in constructing masculinity within both heterosexual and homosexual contexts. The messiness of queer theory which embraces new categories through understanding sexuality and gender identity as a continuum helps us to understand masculinity. As this text shows,  masculinity is not merely a one-way street. Still, it must be understood as a complex and ‘messy’ nest made from many leaves and twigs that form the nest wherein masculine identity finds its contextualised formation. Therefore, I contest that these straight-acting practices are a paradox that places further scrutiny on the marginalised gay community by enacting traits of the same dominant heterosexual culture, which determines them as inferior. By fighting against the otherness of heterosexuality and applying their techniques of straight culture within modern society, we have put gay men in serious danger. I argue that these practices are harmful to the gay community at large.

- MB

 

 

 

REFERNCES

Acadia, L. (2021). Queer Theory. In: Oxford University Press.

Allan, J. A. (2019). Queer theory and critical masculinity studies. In Routledge international handbook of masculinity studies (pp. 72-81). Routledge.

Allison, A. (1994). Nightwork: Sexuality, pleasure, and corporate masculinity in a Tokyo hostess club. University of Chicago Press.

Almaguer, T. (1991). Chicano men: A cartography of homosexual identity and behavior. differences, 3(2), 75-100.

Bergling, T. (2001). Sissyphobia : gay men and effeminate behavior. Southern Tier Editions.

Bernstein, E. (2001). The meaning of the purchase: Desire, demand and the commerce of sex. Ethnography, 2(3), 389-420. https://doi.org/10.1177/14661380122230975

Brickell, C. (2004). What it means to be a gay man. In L. Alice & L. Star (Eds.), Queer in New Zealand (pp. 145-164). Dunmore Press.

Butler, J. (1990). Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. Routledge.

Butler, J. (2004). Performative acts and gender constitution. The performance studies reader, 154-166.

Campbell, H., Bell, M., & Finney, M. (2006). Country boys : masculinity and rural life. Pennsylvania State University Press.

Carrigan, T., Connell, B., & Lee, J. (2018). Toward a new sociology of masculinity. In The Making of Masculinities (Routledge Revivals) (pp. 63-100). Routledge.

Connell, R. W. (2020). Masculinities. Routledge.

Durant, B., & Couch, J. (2019). ‘It’s just more, you know, natural’: The perceptions of men who buy sex in an emerging street sex market. Sexualities, 22(3), 310-324. https://doi.org/10.1177/1363460717737489

Dworkin, A. (1993). Prostitution and male supremacy. Mich. J. Gender & L., 1, 1.

Eguchi, S. (2009). Negotiating hegemonic masculinity: The rhetorical strategy of “straight-acting” among gay men. Journal of Intercultural Communication Research, 38(3), 193-209.

Enderstein, A. M., & Boonzaier, F. (2015). Narratives of young South African fathers: Redefining masculinity through fatherhood. Journal of gender studies, 24(5), 512-527.

Farley, M. (2004). Prostitution Is Sexual Violence. Psychiatric Times, 21(12), 7.

Farley, M., Golding, J. M., Matthews, E. S., Malamuth, N. M., & Jarrett, L. (2017). Comparing Sex Buyers With Men Who Do Not Buy Sex: New Data on Prostitution and Trafficking. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 32(23), 3601-3625. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260515600874

Hammond, N., & van Hooff, J. (2020). "This Is Me, This Is What I Am, I Am a Man": The Masculinities of Men Who Pay for Sex with Women. The Journal of sex research, 57(5), 650-663. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2019.1644485

Herzog, M. J., Umaña‐Taylor, A. J., Madden‐Derdich, D. A., & Leonard, S. A. (2007). Adolescent mothers’ perceptions of fathers’ parental involvement: Satisfaction and desire for involvement. Family Relations, 56(3), 244-257.

Hunter, S. K. (1993). Prostitution is cruelty and abuse to women and children. Mich. J. Gender & L., 1, 91.

Huysamen, M., & Boonzaier, F. (2015). Men’s constructions of masculinity and male sexuality through talk of buying sex. Culture, health & sexuality, 17(5), 541-554.

Joseph, L. J., & Black, P. (2012). Who's the man? Fragile masculinities, consumer masculinities, and the profiles of sex work clients. Men and masculinities, 15(5), 486-506.

Jury, A., Thorburn, N., & Weatherall, R. (2017). " What's his is his and what's mine is his": Financial power and the economic abuse of women in Aotearoa. Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work, 29(2), 69-82.

Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy, W. R., & Martin, C. E. (1948). Sexual behavior in the human male. American Journal of Public Health, 93(6), 894-898.

MacKinnon, C. A. (1993). Prostitution and civil rights. Mich. J. Gender & L., 1, 13.

Madden‐Derdich, D. A., & Leonard, S. A. (2000). Parental role identity and fathers' involvement in coparental interaction after divorce: Fathers' perspectives. Family Relations, 49(3), 311-318.

Minichiello, V., Mariño, R., Browne, J., Jamieson, M., Peterson, K., Reuter, B., & Robinson, K. (2000). Commercial sex between men: A prospective diary-based study. The Journal of sex research, 37(2), 151-160. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224490009552032

Möller-Leimkühler, A. M. (2003). The gender gap in suicide and premature death or: why are men so vulnerable? European archives of psychiatry and clinical neuroscience, 253(1), 1. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00406-003-0397-6

Olsson, N., & Starke, M. (2023). Constructing a client category of the experience of buying sex: an explorative study of how sexuality and masculinity construct the client category of men who buy sex within social work in Sweden. European Journal of Social Work, 1-12.

Raymond, J. G. (1998). Prostitution as violence against women. Women's studies international forum, 21(1), 1-9. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0277-5395(96)00102-1

River, J., & Flood, M. (2021). Masculinities, emotions and men’s suicide. Sociology of Health & Illness, 43(4), 910-927.

Robinson, K. H. (2005). ‘Queerying’gender: Heteronormativity in early childhood education. Australasian journal of early childhood, 30(2), 19-28.

Sánchez, F. J., Blas-Lopez, F. J., Martínez-Patiño, M. J., & Vilain, E. (2016). Masculine Consciousness and Anti-Effeminacy Among Latino and White Gay Men. Psychology of men & masculinity, 17(1), 54-63. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0039465

Sánchez, F. J., & Vilain, E. (2012). “Straight-Acting Gays”: The Relationship Between Masculine Consciousness, Anti-Effeminacy, and Negative Gay Identity. Archives of sexual behavior, 41(1), 111-119. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-012-9912-z

Schotten, C. H. (2005). Men, Masculinity, and Male Domination: Reframing Feminist Analyses of Sex Work. Politics & gender, 1(2), 211-240. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X05050075

Wilkes, L., Mannix, J., & Jackson, D. (2012). ‘I am going to be a dad’: experiences and expectations of adolescent and young adult expectant fathers. Journal of clinical nursing, 21(1‐2), 180-188.